Illegal trafficking in Haiti and Beyond

February 23, 2010

Eight out of the ten Americans who faced charges of child abduction soon after the earthquake hit Haiti, walked away from jail in Port-au-Prince last week. Orphanage founder Laura Silsby and her nanny have stayed behind to face more questioning and a judicial system that is trying, but is in shambles.

As the case moves forward, incriminating evidence has surfaced: the Americans have been linked to a notorious Dominican sex-trafficker-turned-legal-adviser and to business interests in the U.S. But all of this brings up many more questions about the nature of international adoptions.

This case is reminiscent of abduction charges against the French nonprofit Zoe's Ark in Chad in 2007. The organization was accused of airlifting 103 Sudanese children through the neighboring country illegally, with the hope of placing them in foster homes throughout Europe. In both cases, individuals carrying the banner of humanitarian will descended on a country weakened by war, or in Haiti's case, by a natural disaster.

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In Memory: Tomás Eloy Martínez

February 2, 2010

In spring 1997 I found my way, pretty much by accident, into an upper-level college course at Rutgers University, called “Historical Fiction in Latin America.” I knew little about the instructor, other than the fact that he wrote critically-acclaimed fiction, often about two singular figures in the history of Argentina: Juan and Eva Perón.

Little did I know that until my graduation and for many years to come, Tomás Eloy Martínez would single-handedly influence, give shape and inspire my obsession with journalism and my desire to practice it in Latin America. With his patience and kind and humble wisdom, he encouraged me every step along the way.

We read books and short stories voraciously, discussing them long after the class period ended. Arráncame la Vida by Angeles Mastretta was a particularly memorable one; Tomás knew her personally and reveled in sharing with us a mix of unofficial and scandalous truths and fictions about her life. We also read The Kiss of the Spider Woman by Manuel Puig, and Operación Masacre by Rodolfo Walsh, which still sends chills down my spine every time I think of it, and which opened my eyes to the important role of journalists as champions of human rights, critics and witnesses.

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Reflecting on Haiti’s Earthquake

January 13, 2010

The presidential palace was, at least at the time of my visit a little over a year ago, one of the most solid-looking buildings in Port-au-Prince. Located at the center of the Champ de Mars plaza, the white structure was said to have been modeled after the White House and meant to inspire reverence.

But as we drove around the potholed streets surrounding the plaza and saw the piles of garbage and rows of crumbling buildings located within a few blocks, I remember thinking of the everyday plight of ordinary Haitians.

Sadly, the building and its neighborhood have now collapsed. And no one knows how many people may be trapped in the rubble. Yesterday's 7.0-magnitude earthquake has left the presidential palace in ruins, as well as the national cathedral located downtown and a large hospital in the suburb of Pétionville. As the news continue to trickle in, I fear that many more parts of Port-au-Prince, other large cities and parts of the countryside have fallen to pieces, leaving thousands dead or missing, and without shelter.

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Evo Morales and His Coca Vision

January 12, 2010

The Coca-Cola Company must not be happy about this: a new soft drink is hoping to someday make its way into the American market, and what's worse, it basically has the same name, except for an extra “l.” Bolivian President Evo Morales has been talking about the drink for years, and this month, his vision was finally materialized under the name "Coca Colla" printed on a red label.

The choice for the name is no accident. Coca leaves are the main ingredient, and colla (or kolla, in both the Quechua and Aymara languages) are the people of the Andean highlands where coca has been chewed for centuries. Once upon a time, Coca-Cola's recipe called for five ounces of coca leaves per gallon of syrup. But these days, coca is more often identified with being the main ingredient of the drug, cocaine.

As a former coca grower and union leader, Morales has repeatedly tried to put an end to coca's negative association. “We're for the coca leaf, but against cocaine,” said Morales at a UN summit on drugs last year. “The coca leaf should no longer be vilified and criminalized.” Coca has been consumed in raw form in the Andes for as long as people have inhabited the region. It is considered a sacred plant that is believed to cure altitude sickness, hunger and dizziness, and its use and importance in Bolivian traditions goes beyond what most outsiders see. Coca is legal only within Bolivian territory.

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Moving Beyond Copenhagen

December 21, 2009

For the past couple of months, we've seen a one-of-a-kind rush in the media to cover stories on deforestation, climate change and carbon markets ahead of the climate conference in Copenhagen (COP15). It was about time that these issues joined the mainstream: for most Americans, the need to lower global carbon emissions had been a distant and elusive reality. Most of us have failed to consider our country's climate debt and, as individuals, we've felt powerless besides making the choice to ride our bikes to work or drive hybrid cars. Needless to say, this view doesn't even consider the growing number of Americans who are overall skeptical of the concept of climate change.

But getting back to Copenhagen: it's important to remember that the massive meeting in Denmark wasn't in and of itself the solution. A recent story on NPR put COP15's dysfunctional politicking into a clever perspective: "If you're having trouble understanding why the Copenhagen talks are making such slow progress, try imagining having 193 children in your family," the story went. "And every little decision has to be reached by consensus. You'd be lucky to get through breakfast."

The challenge of instituting a new global climate agreement for 2012 was obviously no small feat. But considering the gravity of global warming, especially for developing countries in East Asia, Africa and Latin America, it has been frustrating to witness the impasse in the negotiations from afar. After two weeks of talks, heated debates and street protests, COP15 kept the issues on the headlines but accomplished little. Instead of delivering a strong binding agreement and a commitment to reduce carbon emissions and deforestation, the participants went home over the weekend "taking note" of the need for a pact.

So what's next? Bill McKibben, founder of the activist portal 350.org, isn't optimistic. He says the meeting in Copenhagen "marked the beginning of the end of the UN. We've never taken it seriously for war and peace, and now carbon and global warming are off the table."

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Press Coverage of the U.S.-Mexico Drug War

November 19, 2009

A good friend, who is a former foreign correspondent for the Associated Press, recently told me about the pressure he got from his editors during a recent reporting stint along the U.S.-Mexico border.  "They only wanted me to come up with the big story on the drug war, to find breaking news over and over again," he said.  "But nothing that big was happening in Tijuana; the action was in Ciudad Juárez instead."  

By "action," he was referring to the dozens of weekly reports of attacks, torture, murders, disappearances, and even what appears to be random violence in Juárez, directly across from El Paso, Texas—one of the safest cities in the United States.  Between March and September of this year, at least 40 people who received treatment for drug addiction at rehab facilities in Juárez were killed by gunmen; the reason why they were targeted remains unclear.  Last month, Juárez' murder rate became the highest in the world, surpassing that of Caracas and Rio de Janeiro.  

While it's incredibly important to denounce this violence and inform the public, the general reporting trend coming out of Mexico's drug war seems to be reaching its lowest point.  There is something sad and cold and detached to that "action" approach to journalism that frames the story as a way to generate readership and higher ratings.  Our quick turnaround news cycle and the current economic recession are driving reporters to deliver ever grimmer and bombastic news on the U.S. side of the border; on the Mexican side, the situation is different.

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The Untold Story of Panama's Economic Prosperity

November 5, 2009

Home to the Panama Canal and stuck between the tourist haven of Costa Rica and an increasingly stable and prosperous Colombia, Panama has been in the middle of an economic boom for years.  But many of us don't even know it.

Even during the current economic recession, the country’s GDP grew by 9.2 percent GDP last year and is projected to grow by 3 percent this year—among the highest in Latin America. New luxury towers are crowding Punta Pacífica, one of Panama City´s most exclusive residential areas, including a $260 million condo-hotel development courtesy of Donald Trump.  Many Panamanians are no longer comparing their country to Miami, but earnestly call it "The Abu Dhabi of Latin America."

So, just 20 years since the U.S. invasion that removed General Manuel Noriega from power, what is fueling all this wealth? Last month, while in Panama City, I was amazed to witness a place that isn't only forgetting those bitter days, but is deeply invested in reinventing itself. 

It's been three years since Panamanians voted in support of the $5.25 billion expansion of the canal, a move that has created jobs and opportunity even as infrastructure projects elsewhere have stalled. The government claims that once the project is finished in 2014, it will help reduce poverty by 30 percent.    

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Ecuadorian Water Law Sparks Outrage from Indigenous Communities

October 23, 2009

Last month, around a thousand peasants marched and blockaded the streets of Cuenca, Ecuador, and many more came out in protests throughout the Ecuadorian Amazon, calling for the cancellation of a new water law.  If passed, the law would privatize water services, limit community and neighborhood water management, relax current measures on water contamination, and (to the great frustration of the activists) prioritize water access to private companies.  The demonstrations also came in reaction to a new mining measure, which would allow two Canadian companies—Corriente Resources Inc. and Kinross Gold Corp.—to resume gold explorations in contested areas of the Amazon where indigenous communities live.

The situation has only worsened since the beginning of October, leading to violent raids by police.  In the community of Macas, in the Southern Upano Valley, the attack left at least one confirmed dead and almost 50 injured.  President Rafael Correa has accused the leading indigenous organization, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), of trying to destabilize his government with “lies.” He claims that the protesters were acting on behalf of the country's conservatives who would like to see Correa fail.

Showdowns between the people and the government over indigenous rights and natural resources are nothing new in the Andes.  But in the case of Ecuador, the current conflict over the privatization of water is bringing to mind the so-called "Water War" that erupted in Bolivia in 2000. That dispute ended in a victory for the protesters.

It all started in 1999, when a partnership between the American multinational, Bechtel, and the Bolivian government—at the suggestion of the World Bank—signed a deal to improve water supplies to the city of Cochabamba.  The move increased the cost of the service by 35 percent, to about $20 a month. (The average salary in Cochabamba remained at $100 a month.)  Then hundreds of protesters took to the streets when one of the new water executives said, "If people fail to pay their accounts, we'll cut their service." Protests continued for three weeks until the government backed down.

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Construction Delayed for Mexico's La Parota Dam

September 24, 2009

At first, reports were that that Mexico’s La Parota hydroelectric dam had been scrapped for good due to limited funds.  After five long years of opposition rallies, blockades, legal battles, and widespread intimidation, the peasant community of Cacahuatepec in the state of Guerrero, Mexico, could finally give up their fight and claim victory.

But as it turns out, there was no such cancellation.  Mexico’s state power company, the Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE), had postponed construction of the 900MW hydroelectric dam citing the country's “sufficient generation margin, the difference between capacity and peak demand.” This is a huge letdown for the people of Cacahuatepec.

Back in 2006, I worked on a story about how the dam would affect the surrounding indigenous peasant community. Located near the tourist destination of Acapulco, residents make a living growing a variety of crops and community-owned lands, known as ejidos. Construction of the $1 billion hydroelectric project meant that an estimated 25,000 people faced the very real risk of being pushed out so that the Mexican government could flood their crops and dry up the Papagayo River.  The project faced serious opposition from the United Nations, human rights organizations like Amnesty International and the World Bank, which argued that the dam's energy output would be inefficient and would come at a high ecological and economic cost.

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Venezuelan Scientists Under Fire

September 10, 2009

I was raised in Caracas, Venezuela, in the 1980s by a single mother who worked in a lab as a physicist and microbiologist. She was too busy doing experiments during the day to pick me up from school, located almost an hour away from her office. So when the last bell rang, I would run outside, climb onto a special schoolbus full of children whose parents were also scientists, and, after wasting another hour in traffic, I would get dropped off at my mom's lab—the Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas (IVIC).  This was where I spent all my afternoons, surrounded by centrifuges, water tanks, lab animals, and test tubes. The place was full of fascinating people, many of whom would also spend considerable amounts of time teaching at the Universidad Central de Venezuela in downtown Caracas, going abroad on scholarships or doing research at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution here in the United States.

IVIC is the main scientific and research hub of Venezuela, founded in 1959 as an autonomous institution. Its mission, among others, was to nurture new and young Venezuelan talent and advance global scientific inquiry in fields like ecology, biophysics, genetics, immunology, microbiology, and others. One of the many well-known and charismatic researchers working there was my mother's boss, Reinaldo DiPolo, an expert on neurophysiology and winner of the National Prize in Natural Sciences of Venezuela.

This past August, without a warning, DiPolo received a photocopied letter that terminated his 35 years of work with the IVIC. Twenty-six other leading scientists, all of them formally retired but who continued conducting research and mentoring younger professionals, were asked to go for good.

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MINUSTAH Focuses on Security in Haiti's Cité Soleil Slum

August 20, 2009

Cité Soleil is a flat, dense slum built out of cardboard and tin on Port-au-Prince's western shore. Children play in the sewage; working-age men and women sit in the shade, escaping the searing midday sun, waiting for something to happen; young boys catch seagulls and pigeons with nets, and bring them home for dinner.

Since the mid-1990s, armed gangs terrorized the local population and even drove the local police out, making the slum an absolute no-go zone for officials and development aid workers. Taming Cité Soleil was vital to stability in the capital. That made it a priority for the country's largest international aid donors—the U.S., Canada, and France—who focused on security to lay the groundwork for development.

Shortly after Jean-Bertrand Aristide was ousted in 2004 (under pressure from the U.S. and Canada due to a sharp rise in organized violence) the United Nations created its Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) under Security Council resolution 1542, with a mandate to restore Haitian civil society and to rebuild government institutions like the Haitian National Police, among other goals. So far its most notable success has been reducing kidnappings in Port-au-Prince and disbanding many of the gangs operating out of Cité Soleil.

“The problem of public security was dealt with solely as a security problem, not as a political problem. We believe in imposing control over criminals, even by force” said Carlos Alberto Dos Santos, who was MINUSTAH's Force Commander until this spring.  His troops targeted the gangs from poor slums like Cité Soleil, which had been used and bought off by political rivals over the last decade. 

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Lula Enters the Blogosphere

August 12, 2009

There is little doubt that President Barack Obama's success in the election was due in great part to his online campaigning and digital media savvy—on top of his political skill, charisma and youthful good looks, of course. President Obama has almost 2 million followers on Twitter, and his blog is read by an estimated 13 million people. These social media tools don't just keep him cool, so to say; they have allowed his administration to engage constituents and fans alike on policy issues like health care reform, even as Obama's popularity has diminished over the past month.

In Brazil, the latest newcomer to the blogosphere is none other than President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O Blog do Presidente (The President's Blog) was launched in July, but the buzz started earlier this year, when the government announced that it was experimenting with layouts and ideas, and even considering signing up to twitter—although this hasn’t happened yet.

Lula is said to have been impressed with President Obama's and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown's blogs, and with their clear and personal messages. But even before O Blog do Presidente went live, it was received with skepticism by the Brazilian press and, it was flooded with negative feedback from other bloggers.

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